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A proactor interface also defines a method, which we call register_handle(), that associates a handle with the proactors completion event queue, as described in implementation activity 5.5 (240). This association ensures that the completion events generated when asynchronous operations finish executing will be inserted into a particular proactor's completion event queue. The proactor interface also defines the main entry point method, we call it [7] handle_events(), that applications use to run their proactive event loop. This method calls the asynchronous event demultiplexer, which waits for completion events to arrive on its completion event queue, as discussed in implementation activity 3.1 (232). An application can use the timeout parameter to bound the time it spends waiting for completion events. Thus, the application need not block indefinitely if events never arrive. After the asynchronous operation processor inserts a completion event into the proactor's completion event queue, the asynchronous event demultiplexer function returns. At this point the proactor's handle_events() method dequeues the completion event and uses its associated ACT to demultiplex to the asynchronous operation's completion handler and dispatch the handler's hook method. 5. Implement the proactor interface. Five sub-activities can be used to implement the proactor interface: 0. Develop a proactor implementation hierarchy. The proactor interface abstraction illustrated in implementation activity 4 (235) delegates all its demultiplexing and dispatching processing to a proactor implementation. This plays the role of the implementation hierarchy in the Bridge pattern [GoF95]. This design allows multiple types of proactors to be implemented and configured transparently. For example, a concrete proactor implementation can be created using different types of asynchronous event demultiplexers, such as POSIX aio_suspend() [POSIX95], or the Win32 GetQueuedCompletionStatus() or WaitForMultipleObjects() functions [Sol98].

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Sullivan s contribution lay in realizing that some forms of mental disorder, although perhaps most dramatically and tangibly manifest through the individual, are nevertheless created and perpetuated through maladaptive patterns of social interaction and communication According to Sullivan (1953, pp 110 111), then, personality is the recurrent set of interpersonal situations which characterize a person s life Perhaps our family, boss, or spouse makes us crazy, for example By relocating pathology as part of a transactional system, Sullivan not only put psychopathology back into its proper ecological context, but also brought greater empathy and humanism to its treatment No longer was the individual simply a vessel for his or her symptoms; instead, pathology could be seen as being created and sustained by patterns of communication The discovery that the origins of pathology might be interactional rather than individual, however, was only a beginning, a possibility rather than a process.

It does not explain how disordered communication develops Fortunately, Sullivan was acquainted with the most recent advances in many adjacent fields of knowledge In outlining the interactional basis of psychopathology, he drew particularly from the symbolic interactionism of George Mead and the work of the anthropologist Edward Sapir in culture and linguistics The issue with which Sullivan struggled, the essential basis of the interpersonal approach, concerns the nature of the self Implicitly, all of us regard the self as a thing, a concrete entity or substance with sharply defined boundaries, like a rock If this were true, we should know exactly who we are all the time As Freud had already shown, however, self-consciousness does not exhaust mentality, but instead floats atop the unconscious inaccessible and remote But Sullivan went even further No essential self lies hidden beneath the veils of the unconscious.

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Normality and abnormality cannot be differentiated objectively. All such distinctions, including the diagnostic categories of the DSM-IV, are in part social constructions and cultural artifacts. Although persons may be segregated into groups according to explicit criteria, ostensibly lending such classifications the respectability of science, the desire to segregate and the act of segregating persons into diagnostic groups are uniquely social. All definitions of pathology, ailment, malady, sickness, illness, or disorder are ultimately value-laden and circular (Feinstein, 1977). Disorders are what doctors treat, and what doctors treat is defined by implicit social standards. Given its social basis, normality is probably best defined as conformity to the behaviors and customs typical for an individual s reference group or culture. Pathology would then be defined by behaviors that are uncommon, irrelevant, or alien to the individual s reference group. Not surprisingly, American writers have often thought of normality as the ability to function independently and competently to obtain a personal sense of contentment and satisfaction.

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